Global Amnesia and the Lessons from the History of Populism

By Mika Horelli, BRUSSELS    

The early 20th century in Europe is remembered as an era of great upheavals. Populism rose forcefully, offering simple answers to complex questions and making room for movements whose effects are still felt today. When examining the rise of leaders like Adolf Hitler or Benito Mussolini and the consequences of their actions, the lessons of history are harsh. The same pattern is repeating itself in modern times as populism once again rears its head through nationalism, xenophobia, and simplified solutions. What happens when movements that claim to solve problems only exacerbate them?

Adolf Hitler rose to power by blaming minorities, especially Jews, for Germany's problems and convincing people that there was a superior, unified "Aryan" race to which true Germans belonged. (Which was, of course, tragicomic, as he himself was not German.) He declared that the country's economic problems and crisis of national unity would be solved by removing these "outsiders". Mussolini, on the other hand, promised to restore Italy to the greatness of ancient Rome by simplifying complex political issues into one slogan: "Fascism brings order to chaos".

In reality, both leaders did the opposite. Hitler's policies, such as confiscating assets from Jewish businessmen and forced labor camps, not only destroyed social trust but also weakened Germany's economic backbone. Mussolini's regime, in turn, demolished democracy and brought chaos to the economy with its aggressive foreign policy. Both leaders created problems they claimed to be solving.

To make this possible, free information dissemination was criminalized, and speaking the truth, or even attempting to do so, was made a crime, similar to present-day Russia.

Right-wing populist movements gaining support in Europe are using a similar strategy. Parties gathering support through anti-immigration rhetoric present migration as the single biggest threat to European society because newcomers allegedly fail to adapt to the ways of the host countries.

At the same time, they demand cuts to funds used for integrating immigrants, which weakens integration opportunities and increases social tensions. The same parties demand in their programs, for instance in Finland, that refugees should be helped in their own countries, while immediately cutting development aid drastically upon gaining power.

In Finland, for example, Petteri Orpo's National Coalition-led government has decided, at the insistence of its second-largest party, the Finns Party, to cut approximately one billion euros from development cooperation during its four-year term. This is precisely the money whose primary purpose would be to create better conditions for populations in developing countries to earn a living in their countries of origin.

In Italy, where Giorgia Meloni's party has taken a hard line on migration, state investments in integration programs have decreased significantly. This has led to an increase in the number of marginalized immigrants, which in turn increases crime and reinforces the populists' original claim about the existence of the problem.

A third example can be found in Hungary, where Viktor Orbán's government has restricted the activities of NGOs that help immigrants adapt to society. At the same time, immigrants are accused of "non-integration" and bringing social problems with them. In reality, the cuts and restrictions create these problems, which the ruling Fidesz party uses as political fuel.

The success of populists is based on creating polarization and stoking fear. This was evident both in the 20th century and today. When Hitler used his propaganda machine to convince Germans of the Jewish threat, today's populist movements paint threatening images of immigrants who will "take jobs" or "collapse the welfare state".

I have personally witnessed a bar conversation in Finland where local racists first accused an immigrant who had wandered into the bar of being a social parasite living off their tax money, until it turned out that the newcomer was a full-time employed taxpayer. Then the same native Finns began accusing the newcomer of taking their jobs. One way or another, according to this worldview, being different is automatically a crime.

At the same time, it is forgotten that complex societal issues require cooperation and resources. Austerity policies and fostering polarization do not solve these problems — on the contrary, they feed them.

Both in the 20th century and now, populist movements want to destroy independent media and take control of citizens' information channels. While Hitler censored the media and used propaganda, today's populists seek to influence platforms that form the core of public discourse. Right now, right-wing populists are cheering Meta's decision to stop using external fact-checkers on its social media platforms in US. Such a decision gives populists free rein to lie about the world being as they claim it to be.

At the same time, these movements accuse independent media of being "elite propaganda" and spread their own simplified narrative. The result is an audience that loses trust in independent media and turns increasingly towards propaganda. This development is not accidental — it is a conscious choice that has been seen throughout history.

The most blatant example of the destruction of free media in the EU can be found in Hungary. Viktor Orbán has taken control of both state and private media in Hungary in many ways. He has changed media legislation, established a media authority loyal to the government, and used state advertising money to fund pro-government media. The KESMA foundation, established in 2018, combined over 470 pro-government media companies into one entity. Orbán's government has also restricted independent journalists' access to information and shut down critical media. Estimates suggest that Orbán's Fidesz party now controls about 80 percent of Hungary's media landscape.

The appeal of populism seems to grow every three to four generations. One factor is collective amnesia: new generations have actively forgotten what previous ones had to learn at a terrible cost. Another reason for this is people's instinctive desire to find easy solutions to difficult questions.

Throughout its history, the EU has sought to avoid the catastrophes of the 20th century by creating systems that promote cooperation and balance. However, within the EU, populist movements such as Marine Le Pen's Rassemblement National in France or Germany's AfD are attacking these structures. They forget that nationalist conflicts — precisely those that the EU fundamentally seeks to prevent — once led to bloody wars and destruction.

Populism thrives when fear and hatred take over. In light of history, however, peace and stability are built on cooperation, not division.